From God and Politics, Together Again
By SAM TANENHAUS
Published: September 4, 2010
To an early supporter like the writer Andrew Sullivan, Mr. Obama’s religious journey offered possible deliverance from decades of ideological strife. “He was brought up in a nonreligious home and converted to Christianity as an adult,” Mr. Sullivan observed in a celebrated essay in the December 2007 issue of The Atlantic. “But — critically — he is not born-again. His faith, at once real and measured, hot and cool — lives at the center of the American religious experience.”
In retrospect the idea seems not only mistaken, but perhaps misbegotten, for it was premised on a misreading of America’s ideological warfare, in particular the influence of evangelical religion on the tenor of American politics.
Mr. Obama’s religious views, real or imagined, have been a matter of controversy for some time. To cite the most obvious example, the major crisis of his presidential candidacy grew out of his close relationship with the Rev. Jeremiah Wright, a prominent adherent of liberation theology, with its sometimes militant preachments. It was the mounting criticism of Mr. Obama that prompted his historic address in Philadelphia, instantly known as “the race speech,” though in places it resembled a sermon.
“In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world’s great religions demand — that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us,” Mr. Obama said. “Let us be our brother’s keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister’s keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.”
As president, Mr. Obama has exhibited a more cerebral religious temper — the “measured” faith praised by Mr. Sullivan. But it too appears to have alienated, or at least confused, much of the electorate, not just Mr. Beck. According to poll results released in mid-August by the Pew Research Center, only a third of those interviewed were aware that Mr. Obama is a practicing Christian — a considerably smaller percentage than in 2008, when Mr. Obama was far less known to the general public — and today a higher percentage think he’s a Muslim than did during the presidential election.
What, exactly, is his brand of Christianity? If it is not hard to recognize, neither is it easily defined, to judge at least by his various discussions of the subject. There is, for instance, the “Call to Renewal” speechhe gave in Washington in 2006, in which he urged believers, whatever their faith, to question the morality of “a trillion dollars being taken out of social programs to go to a handful of folks who don’t need and weren’t even asking for it.”
This is not liberation theology, with its assertion that God favors the oppressed, but it does echo the Social Gospel, the movement that a century ago called for Christianity to “add its moral force to the social and economic forces making for a nobler organization of society” with churches actively ameliorating “the burden of poverty,” in the words of the movement’s leader, Walter Rauschenbusch.
And yet Mr. Obama is also an admirer of Reinhold Niebuhr, the theologian who rejected what he considered the naïve moralism of the Social Gospel. From Niebuhr, Mr. Obama has said, he got the message “that there’s serious evil in the world, and hardship and pain. And we should be humble and modest in our belief we can eliminate those things.”
The tension between these two religious ideas — one wedded to progress, the other mindful of the limits of worldly activism — reflects the broader tension in Mr. Obama’s liberalism, itself divided between an enthusiasm for bold policy initiatives and a pragmatic understanding that some things can’t be fixed or even much changed through politics.
There is nothing unusual in this balance. It is the same one that any number of presidents, Republican and Democrat alike, have tried to maintain, whether reformers on the left like Franklin D. Roosevelt, or on the right like Ronald Reagan.
They, too, were polarizing figures. But each outflanked the opposition by making broad appeals to the public, exactly what Mr. Obama has recently been unable to do.
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